Choose a word any word that describes how you feel on arising from your slumber each day.
What would that word be. I wonder?
Is it a word that would be in praise of your existence on this planet? or be in detriment to it.
Perhaps it is a word about how you feel generally about the tasks that lay ahead, for this day or maybe of the future days allotted to you?
Could it be that you are thinking of others around you that would enhance your given lifestyle or those that would detract from it
Whatever the first word is and the subsequent use of all the other words that must surely follow given the first word uttered by you, as you arise.
Will surely meet with your expectations in the response of other's or will it, not?
Perhaps you don't choose the correct words that would better explain your intention to those that you expect would heed your utterances.
If only they had listened may you well respond?
I accept that you have chosen your words with the utmost care.
The order of which is carefully thought out; perhaps written down, even rehearsed before you traverse the morning traffic on your journey to the future.
On your arrival at any given point in the day at the place you chose to be.
Does it meet with your expectations of that which must surely come once you have delivered your utterances?
No, then I am amazed at the response to your given words by those who by their indifference have failed once again to hear the words you have spoken.
How do these people maintain their employment prospects, I ask you?
Before I continue I must point out that I could simply say: What is on his mind without going around his arse in a fanciful way to get to his elbow
I could say, I am surrounded by a crowd of inert minds and bodies that are slothful in the extreme.
These ingrates I am reliant upon to the point of both personal and professional embarrassment.
But I won't because that wouldn't do me any good, now would it?
There is atypical Irish collective communal consciousness that plays a unique role in the service of the State in this country.
For some hundreds of years successive generations are indoctrinated into a lifestyle facilitated by an historically Operatic philosophy of life.
That historical philosophy of life brought about by the delusion that a human society can be based on a demographic model brought into everyday life via a German opera Der Ring des Nibelungen by Richard Wagner.
Der Ring des Nibelungen
The plot revolves around a magic ring that grants the power to rule the world, forged by the Nibelung dwarf Alberich from gold stolen from the river Rhine.
Several mythic figures struggle for possession of the Ring, including Wotan (Odin), the chief of the Gods. Wotan's scheme, spanning generations, to overcome
his limitations, drives much of the action in the story. The hero Siegfried wins the Ring, as Wotan intended, but is eventually betrayed and slain. Finally,
the Valkyrie Brünnhilde, Siegfried's lover and Wotan's estranged daughter, returns the Ring to the Rhine. In the process, the Gods are destroyed.
Ring of Gyges by Plato
According to the legend, Gyges of Lydia was a shepherd in the service of King Candaules of Lydia. After an earthquake, a cave was revealed in a mountainside
where Gyges was feeding his flock. Entering the cave, Gyges discovered that it was in fact the tomb of an enthroned corpse who wore a golden ring, which
Gyges pocketed. Gyges then arranged to be chosen as one of the messengers who reported to the king as to the status of the flocks. Arriving at the palace,
Gyges used his new power of invisibility to seduce the queen, and with her help he murdered the king, and became king of Lydia himself. King Croesus, famous
for his wealth, was Gyges' descendant.
The Irish kingdom existing from 1541 to 1800.
Capital Dublin
Language(s) Irish, English
Government Monarchy
King
1542-1547 Henry VIII
1760-1801 George III
Chief Secretary
1660 Matthew Lock
1798-1801 Viscount Castlereagh
Legislature Parliament of Ireland
Upper house Irish House of Lords
Lower house Irish House of Commons
History
Act of Parliament 1541
Act of Union January 1, 1801
1 From 1642, overlapping control with Confederate Ireland.
2 No official flag is known to exist for the Kingdom of Ireland. Numerous unofficial flags were used throughout its history, including: 1. Azure, a harp Or, stringed Argent, based on the coat of arms adopted in 1541 and much later to become the presidential standard;
2. Vert, a harp Or, stringed Argent, the Leinster flag, used from the mid-17th century; and 3. Argent a saltire Gules, Saint Patrick's Flag, from 1783. The latter was integrated into the Union Flag, the first flag officialy used to represent Ireland. However, the second appears to have been the most popular and its use as a naval jack is debated as to whether it had official status or not.
3 Represented by a Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.
The Kingdom of Ireland was the name given to the Irish state from 1541, by an act of the Parliament of Ireland.
The new Monarch replaced the Lordship of Ireland, which had been created in 1171. King Henry VIII thus became the first King of Ireland
In 1922, 26 counties left the United Kingdom and formed the Irish Free State. Under the Irish Free State Constitution, the King became King in Ireland. This was changed by the Royal Titles Act, 1927, by which the King explicitly became king of all his dominions in their own right, becoming fully King of Ireland instead. Though Kevin O'Higgins, Vice-President of the Executive Council (i.e., deputy prime minister), did suggest resurrecting the 'Kingdom of Ireland' as a dual monarchy to link Northern Ireland and the Irish Free State, with the King of Ireland being crowned in a public ceremony in Phoenix Park in Dublin, the idea was abandoned after O'Higgins' assassination by anti-Treaty IRA men in 1927.
An Act of 1542 that confirmed Henry's kingdom and its link to the English crown, and which had mistakenly been left on the statute books, is being repealed in the Republic of Ireland in 2007 as part of a wholesale review of historic Irish law
Griffith had sought to re-establish the dual monarchy, which he contended was still legally in existence. This had been set up under the Constitution of 1782. After Cumann na nGaedheal and Fianna Fáil were founded, in 1923 and 1926, only a tiny rump of the Anglo-Irish War party remained, and this featured very rarely in politics, contesting only a few elections. They appeared in various forms, often radically socialist and militant, and were involved in agrarian politics in the west of the country. The remainder of Sinn Féin was led by John J. O'Kelly ('Sceilg'). It won five seats in the June 1927 Dáil election, but disappeared from prominence for a few decades. Many members and supporters helped to create the "Irish Brigade" which fought in the Spanish Civil War against Franco and Fascism in the 1930s, in contrast to the support given to Franco by Cumann na nGaedheal. During the Second World War, a number of members sought the support of Nazi Germany, most notably Seán Russell. This has, unsurprisingly, been interpreted by many as support for Nazi Germany. The party had a brief resurgence at the 1955 Westminster elections, winning two seats, and in the 1957 Dáil elections, winning four seats. They continued to abstain, regarding the Dáil as a partitionist parliament.
Arthur Griffith, a nationalist typesetter, and William Rooney, a republican office clerk, both of whom were extremely active in Dublin's nationalist clubs at the beginning of the 20th century. In his account of the movement's early years, Aodh de Blácam says that Sinn Féin "was not a party: it was the amorphous propaganda of the Gaelicised young men and women". Griffith was first and foremost a newspaperman with an impressive network of friends in the Dublin printing industry. His newspapers, the United Irishman and Sinn Féin, channeled the enormous energy of the self-help generation into an unorthodox political project based on the Austro-Hungarian dual monarchy of 1867 and the theories of the German nationalist economist Friedrich List. Tapping into the growing self awareness of an Irish identity which was reflected in movements like the Gaelic Athletic Association, the Gaelic League (Conradh na Gaeilge) and in the founding of the Abbey Theatre, he created a loose federation of nationalist clubs and associations which competed with John Redmond's Irish Parliamentary Party to embody the aspirations of 20th century nationalists.
Éamon de Valera (born with the name Edward George de Valera, (14 October 1882 – 29 August 1975) was one of the dominant political figures in 20th century Ireland. Co-owner of one of the Irish Press Newspapers, he served in public office from 1917 to 1973, holding the various Irish prime ministerial and presidential offices. A significant leader of Ireland's struggle for independence from the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in the early 20th century, and the Republican anti-Treaty opposition in the ensuing Irish Civil War, de Valera was the author of Ireland's constitution, Bunreacht na hÉireann.
At various times a mathematician, teacher and a politician, he served three times as Irish head of government; as Príomh Aire, as the second President of the Executive Council and the first Taoiseach. He ended his political career as President of Ireland, serving two terms from 1959 until 1973. He was also the Chancellor of the National University of Ireland from 1922 until 1975.
Bunreacht na hÉireann (meaning literally the Constitution of Ireland).
De Valera's new constitution embodied a process called *Constitutional Autochthony*, that is, the assertion of legal nationalism.
Is a term used by politicial scientists to describe the process of asserting nationalism through symbols in law.
One famous case of Constitutional Autochthony occurred in the Irish Free State between 1932 and 1937. Having been elected to govern a state that it had opposed the very existence of, Fianna Fáil under Eamon de Valera stripped the Irish Free State of many of the state symbols that it saw as being overly reminiscent of the ancien régime. Among the changes made were the abolition of the Oath of Allegiance, appeals to the Privy Council, and the office of the Governor-General.
In 1937 a whole new constitution was introduced that contained traditional nationalist symbols:
An assertion that the "national territory" covered the whole of the island of Ireland, including those parts not under the rule of the Irish state;
A special position for the Roman Catholic Church;
A directly elected President of Ireland.
A stress on "traditional" style family life.
Though impressive on paper, in reality none of the powers were anything more than symbolic. The claim to Northern Ireland in Article 2 was qualified by a declaration in Article 3 that, "pending the re-integration of the national territory" the laws of the Irish state would not extend outside the boundaries of the Irish Free State. The "special position" given to Roman Catholicism had no legal definition or meaning, while the directly elected presidency was created in a way that ensured it didn't need in practice to be filled by direct election.
Most of the 'family values' articles, such as the 'special position' of the 'woman in the house' were explicitly described in the constitution as not legally binding.
So what of the Reality of everyday life in the Republic of Ireland, today?
Should I really care about the premise? Do unto others that which you would have done unto yourself?
Even when they are collectively shafting you?
No shit! Sherlock of course I shouldn't. And neither should you.
But still we allow this public form of unsolicited affection by the powers that be or individuals that we ourselves empower over us.
Isn't it time we all wised up and called a shovel a shovel, in Ireland at least.
Amateur night doth prevail or so it would seem in downtown Dundalk.
Politics of the schoolyard abound.
A fascistic theatre of the banal and a artistic catharsis maintains it's strangle hold on any attempt of professional involvement in the ongoing enhancement of community affairs.
The community ethos in this town like so many other towns in Ireland has been hi-jacked by the social engineers, the politicians, the gangsters the euro & the christian god[s].
The smart boyo's the Jackeen who in generations passed would have been considered no less than 'one for the boat.
Community enterprise has been turned into an exclusive club, a cartel of like minds who support the philosophy of self enhancement.
Millions of Euros through their erstwhile effort; is being sprinkled liberally up against the communal wall of ineptitude and also your left leg.
Who am I talking about?
Only those who have the answer to my quest would know that. Catch you later guys.
Addendum: Proponants of Irish Fascism
The Greenshirts
The Greenshirts was the name used for followers of Eoin O'Duffy's openly fascist National Corporate Party following the split from Fine Gael. In 1936 O'Duffy led a volunteer Irish Brigade for Franco in the Spanish Civil War and retired on his return. Without him both the Greenshirts and National Corporate Party faded away. Fine Gael became one of Ireland's main democratic political parties.
The Greenshirts are different from the better known Blueshirts which was the name used by O'Duffy's followers before the split in Fine Gael, although only eighty of the Blueshirts later became Greenshirts.The Greenshirts were more fascistic than most Blueshirts
The Blueshirts: 'Hoch O'Duffy!'
The Army Comrades Association (ACA), later named National Guard and better known by its nickname The Blueshirts, was an Irish political organisation set up by General Eoin O'Duffy, a former guerrilla leader in the IRA (before the Treaty), Irish Army general (during the Irish Civil War), Garda commissioner (1922 to 1933) in 1932.
It was regarded as Ireland's equivalent of Adolf Hitler's Brownshirts and Benito Mussolini's Blackshirts which were all members of the European fascist movement. Indeed, in December 1934 O'Duffy attended an International Fascist Conference in Montreux, Switzerland at which there were representatives from 13 other countries - Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Greece, The Netherlands, Italy, Lithuania, Norway, Portugal, Romania, Spain and Switzerland. The argument that the Blueshirts were fascists is generally based on their own adherence to fascist ideology (with a particular admiration for Mussolini) as well as their fascist-style uniforms, use of the Roman salute (members shouted: 'Hoch O'Duffy!' at rallies, militant Catholicism and anti-communism and a belief in corporatism.
Its leaders argued that it was simply defending democracy, citing the actions of the Irish Republican Army (IRA), which had attempted to break up meetings of the opposition Cumann na nGaedheal party whom they regarded as 'traitors'. However, anti-fascist opponents such as the Irish Republican Army, Fianna Fáil and the Communist Party of Ireland cited the example of other fascist movements coming to power where any democratic process was extinguished and how the Blueshirts clearly attempted to emulate this by their 'March on Dublin'.